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ArchivesPUG: /* Bibliography */clean up

2019-10-28T10:05:36Z

Bibliography: clean up

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 <blockquote class="templatequote">
 <p style="font-size:90%;text-align:left">The late middle ages and the Reformation added a critique of merit and a radical shift towards grace to the general Christian emphasis on the factors of salvation… Based on some very controversial ideas, Weber assumes that this shift ''created motives'' for rational economic and even rational scientific action. However, what is more important is that the process ''dismantled interferences'' of religion in the economy and science which had taken the form of relatively concrete evaluations of action relevant to salvation… The evolutionary success probably lay more in the strong disentanglement and differentiation of systems than in the special effectiveness of an ascetic motivation for salvation (Luhmann 1984, 79-80).</p></blockquote>
-If there is a legacy of sixteenth century Protestant reformations for the modern world, it is that they paved the way to the specialization and fragmentation of religious communications.<ref>For the detailed argumentation compare Ornelas (2018, 171-240), third chapter on Lutheran communications and counter-reformation.</ref>Along with the Lutheran Church, Western Christianity was —and continues being— crushed into several churches: Calvinist, Zwinglian, Anabaptist, Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian, and so on. To this extent Protestantism prompted other types of communications to do the same: to specialize and fragment themselves (to diversify). For example, from the Diet of Speyer in 1526 comes the principle ''cuius regio, eius religio'' (according to the religion of the king, so will be that of the kingdom), with which each Protestant prince claimed for himself the right to adopt religion and organize a church of his own in accordance with the dictates of his conscience, and —clearly enough— in accordance with the religious reformations in course. In this way, ''religious differentiation reinforced political differentiation in princely states by feeding incipient notions of sovereign power''.<ref>Historians now accept the Investiture Controversy of the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries as the clearest antecedent of modern State inception, and consequently as a pre-condition to Church-State differentiation. For this compare Strayer (1970, 3-56), Berman (1983, 85-119) and Mitterauer (2010, 144-193).</ref><p>Societal religious differentiation ran in parallel to the differentiation of other spheres of life and ended up in the eighteenth century with the constitution of a new type of society: the functional differentiated or contemporary modern world society. This society will be characterized by communicational differentiation (politics, economics, law, religion, science, art, health, sport). Or explained in another way: to move and be able to function in modern society one must distinguish communicative and situational spheres or orders of life. A person speaks and communicates depending on whether (s)he is at home, at the university, at the office, at the bank or at the church of his/her choice. Failure to do so runs the risk of being considered “bizarre”.</p>In favor of this interpretation of sixteenth century Protestantisms —as ''religious differentiation''— speaks the happy confluence of an independent study close to ''conceptual history'': before the sixteenth century the concept of religion was indistinguishable from many other communications. It is not until the arrival of Protestantisms that religion adopts the modern (differentiated) meaning of communications related exclusively to the ''transcendental''.<ref>For the full argumentation compare Nongbri (2013).</ref><br>
+If there is a legacy of sixteenth century Protestant reformations for the modern world, it is that they paved the way to the specialization and fragmentation of religious communications.<ref>For the detailed argumentation compare Ornelas (2018, 171-240), third chapter on Lutheran communications and counter-reformation.</ref>Along with the Lutheran Church, Western Christianity was —and continues being— crushed into several churches: Calvinist, Zwinglian, Anabaptist, Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian, and so on. To this extent Protestantism prompted other types of communications to do the same: to specialize and fragment themselves (to diversify). For example, from the Diet of Speyer in 1526 comes the principle ''cuius regio, eius religio'' (according to the religion of the king, so will be that of the kingdom), with which each Protestant prince claimed for himself the right to adopt religion and organize a church of his own in accordance with the dictates of his conscience, and —clearly enough— in accordance with the religious reformations in course. In this way, ''religious differentiation reinforced political differentiation in princely states by feeding incipient notions of sovereign power''.<ref>Historians now accept the Investiture Controversy of the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries as the clearest antecedent of modern State inception, and consequently as a pre-condition to Church-State differentiation. For this compare Strayer (1970, 3-56), Berman (1983, 85-119) and Mitterauer (2010, 144-193).</ref><p>Societal religious differentiation ran in parallel to the differentiation of other spheres of life and ended up in the eighteenth century with the constitution of a new type of society: the functional differentiated or contemporary modern world society. This society will be characterized by communicational differentiation (politics, economics, law, religion, science, art, health, sport). Or explained in another way: to move and be able to function in modern society one must distinguish communicative and situational spheres or orders of life. A person speaks and communicates depending on whether (s)he is at home, at the university, at the office, at the bank or at the church of his/her choice. Failure to do so runs the risk of being considered “bizarre”.</p>In favor of this interpretation of sixteenth century Protestantisms —as ''religious differentiation''— speaks the happy confluence of an independent study close to ''conceptual history'': before the sixteenth century the concept of religion was indistinguishable from many other communications. It is not until the arrival of Protestantisms that religion adopts the modern (differentiated) meaning of communications related exclusively to the ''transcendental''.<ref>For the full argumentation compare Nongbri (2013).</ref>
 {{Citations/Link}}
 == References ==
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 La diferenciación religiosa corrió en paralelo a la diferenciación de otras esferas de la vida y terminó en el siglo xviii con la constitución de un nuevo tipo de sociedad: la sociedad mundial moderna o contemporánea funcionalmente diferenciada. Esta sociedad se caracterizará por la diferenciación comunicacional (política, economía, derecho, religión, ciencia, arte, salud, deporte). O explicado de otra manera: para moverse y poder funcionar en la sociedad moderna, uno(a) debe distinguir esferas u órdenes de vida en lo comunicativo y situacional. Una persona habla y se comunica dependiendo de si está en casa, en la universidad, en la oficina, en el banco o en la iglesia de su predilección. De lo contrario, corre el riesgo de ser considerada “algo rara”.
-A favor de esta interpretación de los protestantismos del siglo xvi —como ''diferenciación religiosa''— habla la feliz confluencia de un estudio independiente cercano a la ''historia conceptual'': antes del siglo xvi, el concepto de religión era indistinguible de muchas otras comunicaciones. No es hasta la llegada de los protestantismos que la religión adopta el significado moderno (diferenciado) de comunicaciones relacionadas exclusivamente con lo ''trascendental''.<ref>Para la argumentación en detalle revísese Nongbri (2013).</ref><br>
+A favor de esta interpretación de los protestantismos del siglo xvi —como ''diferenciación religiosa''— habla la feliz confluencia de un estudio independiente cercano a la ''historia conceptual'': antes del siglo xvi, el concepto de religión era indistinguible de muchas otras comunicaciones. No es hasta la llegada de los protestantismos que la religión adopta el significado moderno (diferenciado) de comunicaciones relacionadas exclusivamente con lo ''trascendental''.<ref>Para la argumentación en detalle revísese Nongbri (2013).</ref>
 {{Citations/Link}}
 == References ==
 <references />

@@ Line 46: / Line 46: @@
 <blockquote class="templatequote">
 <p style="font-size:90%;text-align:left">The late middle ages and the Reformation added a critique of merit and a radical shift towards grace to the general Christian emphasis on the factors of salvation… Based on some very controversial ideas, Weber assumes that this shift ''created motives'' for rational economic and even rational scientific action. However, what is more important is that the process ''dismantled interferences'' of religion in the economy and science which had taken the form of relatively concrete evaluations of action relevant to salvation… The evolutionary success probably lay more in the strong disentanglement and differentiation of systems than in the special effectiveness of an ascetic motivation for salvation (Luhmann 1984, 79-80).</p></blockquote>
-If there is a legacy of sixteenth century Protestant reformations for the modern world, it is that they paved the way to the specialization and fragmentation of religious communications.<ref>For the detailed argumentation compare Ornelas (2018, 171-240), third chapter on Lutheran communications and counter-reformation.</ref>Along with the Lutheran Church, Western Christianity was —and continues being— crushed into several churches: Calvinist, Zwinglian, Anabaptist, Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian, and so on. To this extent Protestantism prompted other types of communications to do the same: to specialize and fragment themselves (to diversify). For example, from the Diet of Speyer in 1526 comes the principle ''cuius regio, eius religio'' (according to the religion of the king, so will be that of the kingdom), with which each Protestant prince claimed for himself the right to adopt religion and organize a church of his own in accordance with the dictates of his conscience, and —clearly enough— in accordance with the religious reformations in course. In this way, ''religious differentiation reinforced political differentiation in princely states by feeding incipient notions of sovereign power''.<ref>Historians now accept the Investiture Controversy of the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries as the clearest antecedent of modern State inception, and consequently as a pre-condition to Church-State differentiation. For this compare Strayer (1970, 3-56), Berman (1983, 85-119) and Mitterauer (2010, 144-193).</ref><p>Societal religious differentiation ran in parallel to the differentiation of other spheres of life and ended up in the eighteenth century with the constitution of a new type of society: the functional differentiated or contemporary modern world society. This society will be characterized by communicational differentiation (politics, economics, law, religion, science, art, health, sport). Or explained in another way: to move and be able to function in modern society one must distinguish communicative and situational spheres or orders of life. A person speaks and communicates depending on whether (s)he is at home, at the university, at the office, at the bank or at the church of his/her choice. Failure to do so runs the risk of being considered “bizarre”.</p>In favor of this interpretation of sixteenth century Protestantisms —as ''religious differentiation''— speaks the happy confluence of an independent study close to ''conceptual history'': before the sixteenth century the concept of religion was indistinguishable from many other communications. It is not until the arrival of Protestantisms that religion adopts the modern (differentiated) meaning of communications related exclusively to the ''transcendental''.<ref>For the full argumentation compare Nongbri (2013).</ref>
+If there is a legacy of sixteenth century Protestant reformations for the modern world, it is that they paved the way to the specialization and fragmentation of religious communications.<ref>For the detailed argumentation compare Ornelas (2018, 171-240), third chapter on Lutheran communications and counter-reformation.</ref>Along with the Lutheran Church, Western Christianity was —and continues being— crushed into several churches: Calvinist, Zwinglian, Anabaptist, Anglican, Methodist, Presbyterian, and so on. To this extent Protestantism prompted other types of communications to do the same: to specialize and fragment themselves (to diversify). For example, from the Diet of Speyer in 1526 comes the principle ''cuius regio, eius religio'' (according to the religion of the king, so will be that of the kingdom), with which each Protestant prince claimed for himself the right to adopt religion and organize a church of his own in accordance with the dictates of his conscience, and —clearly enough— in accordance with the religious reformations in course. In this way, ''religious differentiation reinforced political differentiation in princely states by feeding incipient notions of sovereign power''.<ref>Historians now accept the Investiture Controversy of the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries as the clearest antecedent of modern State inception, and consequently as a pre-condition to Church-State differentiation. For this compare Strayer (1970, 3-56), Berman (1983, 85-119) and Mitterauer (2010, 144-193).</ref><p>Societal religious differentiation ran in parallel to the differentiation of other spheres of life and ended up in the eighteenth century with the constitution of a new type of society: the functional differentiated or contemporary modern world society. This society will be characterized by communicational differentiation (politics, economics, law, religion, science, art, health, sport). Or explained in another way: to move and be able to function in modern society one must distinguish communicative and situational spheres or orders of life. A person speaks and communicates depending on whether (s)he is at home, at the university, at the office, at the bank or at the church of his/her choice. Failure to do so runs the risk of being considered “bizarre”.</p>In favor of this interpretation of sixteenth century Protestantisms —as ''religious differentiation''— speaks the happy confluence of an independent study close to ''conceptual history'': before the sixteenth century the concept of religion was indistinguishable from many other communications. It is not until the arrival of Protestantisms that religion adopts the modern (differentiated) meaning of communications related exclusively to the ''transcendental''.<ref>For the full argumentation compare Nongbri (2013).</ref><br>
 == References ==
 <references />
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 La diferenciación religiosa corrió en paralelo a la diferenciación de otras esferas de la vida y terminó en el siglo xviii con la constitución de un nuevo tipo de sociedad: la sociedad mundial moderna o contemporánea funcionalmente diferenciada. Esta sociedad se caracterizará por la diferenciación comunicacional (política, economía, derecho, religión, ciencia, arte, salud, deporte). O explicado de otra manera: para moverse y poder funcionar en la sociedad moderna, uno(a) debe distinguir esferas u órdenes de vida en lo comunicativo y situacional. Una persona habla y se comunica dependiendo de si está en casa, en la universidad, en la oficina, en el banco o en la iglesia de su predilección. De lo contrario, corre el riesgo de ser considerada “algo rara”.
-A favor de esta interpretación de los protestantismos del siglo xvi —como ''diferenciación religiosa''— habla la feliz confluencia de un estudio independiente cercano a la ''historia conceptual'': antes del siglo xvi, el concepto de religión era indistinguible de muchas otras comunicaciones. No es hasta la llegada de los protestantismos que la religión adopta el significado moderno (diferenciado) de comunicaciones relacionadas exclusivamente con lo ''trascendental''.<ref>Para la argumentación en detalle revísese Nongbri (2013).</ref>
+A favor de esta interpretación de los protestantismos del siglo xvi —como ''diferenciación religiosa''— habla la feliz confluencia de un estudio independiente cercano a la ''historia conceptual'': antes del siglo xvi, el concepto de religión era indistinguible de muchas otras comunicaciones. No es hasta la llegada de los protestantismos que la religión adopta el significado moderno (diferenciado) de comunicaciones relacionadas exclusivamente con lo ''trascendental''.<ref>Para la argumentación en detalle revísese Nongbri (2013).</ref><br>
 == References ==

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 [[File:Schermata 2019-01-16 alle 11.15.01.png|thumb|<small>Forcellini, E.,</small> ''<small>Lexicon totius latinitatis</small>'']]
-¿Cuál es la importancia de la herejía<ref>La ley canónica católica define la herejía como “la negación pertinaz, después de recibido el bautismo, de una verdad que ha de creerse con fe divina y católica, o la duda pertinaz sobre la misma; apostasía es el rechazo total de la fe cristiana; cisma, el rechazo de la sujeción al sumo Pontífice o de la comunión con los miembros de la Iglesia a él sometidos... [Sin embargo,] desde una perspectiva actual, los comentaristas de los textos paulinos, tanto católicos como protestantes, han optado por interpretar la expresión griega ''hairesis'' (latina ''haeresia'') en el sentido de escisiones, partidos, facciones, no en el de discrepancias doctrinales que recibirían más adelante. San Pablo [1 Cor, 11: 19], vienen a decir, estaría pensando en los contrastes de caracteres prácticos, morales y personales de la comunidad de Corinto” (Mitre 2003, 175, 33).</ref> y la disidencia para la evolución sociocultural de una semántica cristiana? Puesto en el lenguaje de los sistemas sociales, se podría decir que en el curso de la evolución de las comunicaciones cristianas, las herejías o las comunicaciones cristianas no conformistas representan ''variaciones'' que permiten el reconocimiento de una ''selección'' comunicativa particular, que al paso del tiempo se expresará como una estructura de expectativa (''estabilización'') o simplemente como ''ortodoxia eclesiástica''<ref>Para los mecanismos de la evolución sociocultural refiérase Luhmann (2007a, 325-469), en el tercer capítulo sobre evolución. El libro, considerado su mayor obra, fue publicado un año antes de su muerte (Luhmann 1997). La traducción española se publicó diez años después (Luhmann 2007a) y un borrador temprano fue publicado primero en italiano (Luhmann & De Giorgi 1992) y al año siguiente en español (Luhmann & De Giorgi 1993). La traducción inglesa salió a la luz bajo el sello de Stanford University Press en dos volúmenes (Luhmann 2012; 2013a).</ref>. <br>
+¿Cuál es la importancia de la herejía<ref>La ley canónica católica define la herejía como “la negación pertinaz, después de recibido el bautismo, de una verdad que ha de creerse con fe divina y católica, o la duda pertinaz sobre la misma; apostasía es el rechazo total de la fe cristiana; cisma, el rechazo de la sujeción al sumo Pontífice o de la comunión con los miembros de la Iglesia a él sometidos... [Sin embargo,] desde una perspectiva actual, los comentaristas de los textos paulinos, tanto católicos como protestantes, han optado por interpretar la expresión griega ''hairesis'' (latina ''haeresia'') en el sentido de escisiones, partidos, facciones, no en el de discrepancias doctrinales que recibirían más adelante. San Pablo [1 Cor, 11: 19], vienen a decir, estaría pensando en los contrastes de caracteres prácticos, morales y personales de la comunidad de Corinto” (Mitre 2003, 175, 33).</ref> y la disidencia para la evolución sociocultural de una semántica cristiana? Puesto en el lenguaje de los sistemas sociales, se podría decir que en el curso de la evolución de las comunicaciones cristianas, las herejías o las comunicaciones cristianas no conformistas representan ''variaciones'' que permiten el reconocimiento de una ''selección'' comunicativa particular, que al paso del tiempo se expresará como una estructura de expectativa (''estabilización'') o simplemente como ''ortodoxia eclesiástica''.<ref>Para los mecanismos de la evolución sociocultural refiérase Luhmann (2007a, 325-469), en el tercer capítulo sobre evolución. El libro, considerado su mayor obra, fue publicado un año antes de su muerte (Luhmann 1997). La traducción española se publicó diez años después (Luhmann 2007a) y un borrador temprano fue publicado primero en italiano (Luhmann & De Giorgi 1992) y al año siguiente en español (Luhmann & De Giorgi 1993). La traducción inglesa salió a la luz bajo el sello de Stanford University Press en dos volúmenes (Luhmann 2012; 2013a).</ref> <br>
 Para una historia de la iglesia cristiana, el principal elemento de variación resultan ser posiciones teológicas heterodoxas o afirmaciones opuestas a los dogmas sancionados por la iglesia.<ref>Para la argumentación en detalle refiérase Ornelas (2016, 35-65), capítulo segundo sobre herejías y organización cristiana.</ref> La función de la comunicación cristiana no conformista fue definir una semántica cristiana particular y alternativa y permitir la consolidación de varios patriarcados de la iglesia. Aquí, las distinciones orientadoras son ortodoxia/ herejía (canónico/ apócrifo cuando se refiere a la tradición testamentaria, e iglesia hegemónica/ iglesia cismática cuando se le ve desde una perspectiva organizacional).